The proposal, which is currently gaining traction within the Tennessee General Assembly, represents a watershed moment in the national debate over the role of pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) and their influence on the American healthcare system. If passed, the legislation would mandate a radical restructuring of how prescription drugs are managed and sold within the state, potentially forcing Woonsocket, Rhode Island-based CVS Health to either divest its massive retail pharmacy footprint in Tennessee or abandon the market altogether. This legislative push is emerging as a critical litmus test for how far state-level lawmakers are willing to go to dismantle the vertical integration that has come to define the modern pharmaceutical supply chain.
At the heart of the controversy is the multifaceted nature of CVS Health. Unlike traditional retailers, CVS is a vertically integrated healthcare behemoth. It owns Aetna, one of the nation’s largest health insurers; Caremark, a dominant pharmacy benefit manager; and approximately 9,000 CVS Pharmacy retail locations. PBMs like Caremark act as the "middlemen" of the healthcare world—they negotiate drug prices with manufacturers, process claims for insurers, determine which drugs are covered on a plan’s formulary, and manage the reimbursement rates paid to pharmacies. The proposed Tennessee bill seeks to address what critics call an inherent conflict of interest: a single company acting as the negotiator (PBM), the payer (insurer), and the provider (pharmacy).
The Tennessee bill, sponsored by State Senator Bobby Harshbarger, a Republican and a professional pharmacist, aims to prohibit any single entity from owning both a retail pharmacy and a PBM simultaneously. Harshbarger argues that the current model creates a "structural conflict" that disadvantages independent pharmacies and inflates costs for consumers. In a statement provided to the Globe, Harshbarger emphasized that the legislation is designed to separate the entities that negotiate drug prices from those that dispense them, thereby preventing PBMs from "steering" patients toward their own pharmacies or under-reimbursing independent competitors to drive them out of business. "This legislation separates pharmacy benefit managers from owning or controlling the pharmacies they reimburse or steer patients toward," Harshbarger stated, asserting that while it requires divestment, it does not inherently aim to reduce medication access.
CVS Health, however, has responded with a stark warning. The company argues that the proposed separation is economically unfeasible and would result in catastrophic consequences for Tennessee residents. According to CVS spokesperson Amy Thibault, the enactment of the bill would likely lead to the closure of more than 130 CVS stores across the state, putting over 2,000 jobs at risk and disrupting care for 1.5 million patients. CVS maintains that there is no viable market for a mass sell-off of its pharmacies. Thibault pointed to the recent bankruptcy of Rite Aid as evidence, noting that CVS was one of the few entities with the capital and infrastructure to acquire and maintain those closing locations. "It is unlikely another pharmacy could or would buy 134 CVS pharmacies," she said, labeling the bill "bad for Tennessee."
The debate in Tennessee is a microcosm of a much larger, nationwide struggle. For years, PBM reforms have largely focused on transparency—requiring companies to disclose the rebates they receive from drug manufacturers or banning "gag clauses" that prevent pharmacists from telling patients about cheaper out-of-pocket options. However, a new wave of "structural" reform is taking hold. Lawmakers in states like New York, Vermont, Texas, and Indiana are closely watching the Tennessee model. Arkansas has already blazed a trail, passing a first-in-the-nation law to prohibit PBM ownership of pharmacies. That law is currently caught in a legal stalemate after CVS filed a lawsuit, resulting in a preliminary injunction by a federal judge.
Legal and economic experts are divided on the potential impact of such "de-integration" laws. Robert Tsigler, a New York-based attorney with extensive experience in federal regulatory matters, suggests that the current model restricts competition. When one company controls both ends of a transaction—negotiating the price and then fulfilling the order—they possess the power to manipulate the market in ways that are often invisible to the consumer. This lack of competition, critics argue, is a primary driver of the skyrocketing cost of prescription drugs in the United States.
Conversely, the Pharmaceutical Care Management Association (PCMA), a trade group representing PBMs, argues that vertical integration actually helps lower costs through increased efficiency and scale. Greg Lopes, a vice president for PCMA, characterized the Tennessee bill as "dangerous," suggesting it would lead to higher drug prices rather than lower ones. To support this claim, the PCMA points to a study by Moiz Bhai, an economics professor at the University of Arkansas at Little Rock. The study, which was funded by the PCMA, suggests that such legislation could increase national drug costs by nearly $32 billion and lead to tens of thousands of additional hospitalizations due to decreased access to medication.
Despite these warnings, federal oversight is intensifying. The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) released a scathing report in early 2024 detailing how the "Big Three" PBMs—CVS Caremark, Cigna’s Express Scripts, and UnitedHealth’s OptumRx—control approximately 60 percent of the market and 80 percent of all prescriptions. The FTC found that these companies have generated billions in revenue by hiking the costs of essential medications, including those for cancer and heart disease. Furthermore, the House Judiciary Committee has launched an investigation into CVS Caremark for potential antitrust violations, specifically examining whether the company used its dominant market position to threaten independent pharmacies and stifle competition.
The political climate in Tennessee is particularly hostile toward PBMs because of the state’s large rural population, which relies heavily on independent pharmacies. In many small towns, the local pharmacy is the primary point of healthcare contact. When PBMs lower reimbursement rates to these independent shops while simultaneously offering higher rates to their own retail chains, it creates "pharmacy deserts." Senator Harshbarger’s bill is seen by many as a protective measure for these small-business owners who feel they are being squeezed out of existence by a corporate monopoly.
Interestingly, the approach in CVS’s home state of Rhode Island is markedly different. Rather than pursuing the aggressive structural separation proposed in Tennessee, Rhode Island lawmakers have opted for a "softer" approach. Recent bills introduced in the Rhode Island General Assembly focus on transparency and state-led studies of drug costs but stop short of challenging the CVS business model. Senate President Val Lawson noted that the state is not exploring the Tennessee-style divestment model, adding that CVS representatives were consulted before the legislation was even introduced.
However, even in Rhode Island, legal pressure is mounting. Rhode Island House Speaker K. Joseph Shekarchi, acting in his capacity as a private attorney, recently filed a class-action lawsuit against CVS. The lawsuit, filed on behalf of the Roofers’ Unions Welfare Trust Fund, alleges that CVS operated a RICO (Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations) enterprise. The complaint claims that CVS used its subsidiary, Zinc Health Services, to solicit "bribes and kickbacks" from drug manufacturers in exchange for favorable placement on insurance formularies, effectively concealing these side agreements from the clients they were supposed to be serving. CVS has dismissed the lawsuit as meritless, vowing to defend its practices.
The outcome of the Tennessee bill could set a precedent that reshapes the American healthcare landscape. If Tennessee succeeds in forcing CVS to divest, it could ignite a domino effect across dozens of other states, fundamentally breaking the vertical integration model that has dominated the industry for the last two decades. As Kent McKinney, a healthcare economist at Columbia University and former Johnson & Johnson executive, noted, losing 134 stores in Tennessee might not be a "doomsday" for a multi-billion-dollar corporation like CVS, but the "contagion" of similar legislation spreading to other states would be an existential threat to their current way of doing business.
As the legislative session in Nashville continues, the eyes of the healthcare industry remain fixed on the Volunteer State. The battle is no longer just about the price of a single pill; it is about who controls the infrastructure of American medicine and whether the "middleman" model is still compatible with the public interest. For CVS, the stakes are nothing less than the future of its integrated empire. For patients, the stakes involve the accessibility and affordability of the life-saving medications they need to survive. The tension between corporate efficiency and market competition has reached a breaking point, and Tennessee may be the place where the system finally snaps.

