The enduring appeal of this linear model is not hard to fathom. From an introspective perspective, our actions feel like they are the direct consequence of conscious decisions, rooted in our desires, beliefs, and intentions. As Professor James aptly notes, "Our actions feel like they are caused by decisions based on desires, beliefs, and intentions." This internal sensation of a deliberate, sequential process has led to the widespread assumption that a distinct, identifiable neural mechanism must exist for each stage, especially for the crucial "thinking and choosing" part. This perspective has historical roots, echoing philosophical concepts of a mind that first processes information, then deliberates, and finally commands the body—a kind of central executive operating within the brain.
Rethinking the Brain’s Decision-Making Process: A Fundamental Challenge
However, James, a professor in the Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences in the College of Arts and Sciences, argues that this familiar explanation, often dubbed the "sandwich model" due to its cognitive filling between sensory input and motor output, does not align with the accumulating knowledge about the brain’s actual operations. While sensation clearly involves identifiable sensory mechanisms, and action is undeniably linked to motor mechanisms, the supposed cognitive stage that sits between them appears to lack a corresponding, distinct neural process functioning as a singular "decision maker." Modern neuroscience increasingly reveals a brain characterized by distributed processing, parallel computations, and intricate feedback loops rather than a simple assembly line.
Instead of proposing a dedicated, centralized decision-making system that directs behavior, James suggests a radically different perspective. He posits that what we perceive as "decision-making" is, in fact, an emergent property arising from the continuous, dynamic interactions among sensory, sensorimotor, and motor processes. He refers to this integrated phenomenon as ‘action selection.’ In this view, behavior doesn’t wait for a central command; rather, it emerges organically through ongoing, reciprocal interactions between the brain, the body, and the surrounding environment. These processes are not sequential but can occur simultaneously, constantly feeding back into one another, shaping and refining behavior in a fluid, non-linear fashion. This aligns with contemporary theories like embodied cognition and enactivism, which emphasize the inseparable link between mind, body, and environment.
It is crucial to clarify that James is not denying the reality of decisions themselves. He is not claiming that our conscious experience of choosing is an illusion. "Of course they do," James affirms when asked if decisions are real. "We use this language all the time and it’s very helpful in terms of describing behavior." The core of his argument lies in distinguishing between a useful descriptive framework and an explanatory one at the neural level. "The leap, I think," he explains, "is to say that the brain works by having decision-making or control processes. It produces behavior that is well described in that way. But it doesn’t need a process that does that to make it look that way." This distinction is critical for understanding his nuanced position: decisions exist as high-level descriptions of behavior, but they may not correspond to discrete, causal physical entities or processes within the brain.
James’s provocative argument is comprehensively presented in his article, "Sensorimotor Mechanisms of Decisions and Actions," recently published in the prestigious Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience. This work invites cognitive neuroscientists to re-evaluate fundamental assumptions about how the brain orchestrates behavior.
What Happens in the Brain When We Make a Decision? A Physicalist Framework
To build his argument, James employs a "physicalist" framework, an approach deeply associated with influential philosophers such as Daniel Dennett. This framework makes explicit a foundational assumption that, James contends, underlies all scientific inquiry: physical phenomena possess the capacity to cause both physical and nonphysical phenomena, but, crucially, nonphysical phenomena cannot, by themselves, cause physical events.
Within this framework, sensory and motor processes are unequivocally physical. They involve neural firing, chemical transmissions, and biomechanical actions. Decisions, however, are conceptual. In James’s framework, they are categorized as nonphysical. If this premise holds, then a decision, as a nonphysical construct, cannot literally cause a physical action. This is a profound philosophical distinction that challenges the intuitive notion that our conscious choices directly trigger our movements. It forces us to consider that what we perceive as a cause (the decision) might actually be a high-level description of a complex cascade of physical events, rather than a physical cause itself.
To illuminate this complex idea and make it more accessible, James employs several compelling analogies, each designed to dismantle our ingrained assumptions about decision-making.
Decisions as Abstract Descriptions: Analogies for Understanding
Drawing on Daniel Dennett’s insightful comparison between the self and a center of mass (CoM), or center of gravity, James suggests that decisions may function in a remarkably similar way. A center of mass is an extraordinarily useful mathematical concept, providing a singular point that represents the average position of all the mass in an object. It simplifies complex physics calculations and helps us understand how objects balance or move. However, a center of mass cannot independently exert a physical force; you cannot move an object’s center of mass without moving the object itself. It is a descriptive tool, not an active agent. In the same vein, James proposes that a decision may be an abstract description—a highly useful conceptual tool for understanding and predicting behavior—rather than a physical entity or process that directly causes something to happen within the brain. The decision doesn’t do anything; it describes what’s happening.
Another analogy further clarifies how useful, high-level concepts can become less informative, or even misleading, when scientists strive to understand events at a more granular, mechanistic level. We routinely use the phrase "the university" to describe the myriad activities of an entire institution. The term conveniently encapsulates a sprawling collection of people, buildings, departments, policies, and processes. Saying that "the university took certain actions during a campus protest" provides a concise, high-level summary of events. However, this statement tells us very little about the specific, physical events involved. A truly detailed, mechanistic explanation would require examining minutes from administrative meetings, specific phone calls made to state police, individual actions taken by various personnel, and the complex interplay of these discrete events.
James argues that decisions present a similar problem for neuroscience. While they offer a valuable and practical high-level description of behavior, they may not, by their very nature, reveal the underlying physical mechanisms that produce that behavior. "As mental phenomena," James maintains, "they are defined on too abstract a level for the goals of cognitive neuroscience." In essence, simply stating that someone "made a decision" does not provide a mechanistic explanation of the intricate neural events that transpired inside the brain. It’s a convenient label for an outcome, not a window into the process.
A Simple Robot Raises a Bigger Question: Emergent Behavior
James employs a third, particularly compelling example to push his argument even further, demonstrating how complex, seemingly intentional behavior can arise without any dedicated "decision-making" system. He points to a robot, constructed from a relatively small number of interconnected sensory, motor, and sensorimotor modules. This machine is designed to exhibit "wall-following" behavior. From an external observer’s perspective, the robot’s movements can appear remarkably purposeful. It seems to have goals, strategies, and perhaps even something akin to intentions as it navigates its environment, hugging walls and avoiding obstacles.
Crucially, however, this robot contains no centralized system specifically designed to "make decisions." "The robot does not have decisions built into it," James explains. "It just senses its environment and moves around accordingly. And based on the environment, wall-following turns out to be a good thing. It looks intentional. It looks strategic. It looks like the robot is making decisions. And yet, it is not. The reason we know it is not is that there are no systems built into it to do that." The robot’s behavior emerges from the simple, local interactions of its sensors and motors with the environment, following basic reactive rules.
This example raises a profoundly provocative question for human neuroscience. If a relatively simple machine can produce behavior that looks intentional, strategic, and goal-directed without possessing any internal decision-making system, could human behavior also appear to result from centralized decisions, even if no such central process actually exists within our brains? James argues that this explanation is significantly more parsimonious and biologically plausible than assuming the brain contains what he terms "a higher-level, central controller that monitors and regulates sensory and motor processes." The principle of parsimony, or Occam’s Razor, suggests that the simplest explanation that fits the facts is usually the best.
The Problem With a Central Controller: The Cartesian Theater
The idea of a centralized controller—a singular entity within the brain responsible for observing information, deliberating, and deciding what to do—also resurrects a philosophical problem that has plagued thinkers since the time of René Descartes. This is the infamous "homunculus problem," which Daniel Dennett famously dubbed the "Cartesian Theater."
If we posit that some higher-level entity inside the brain is responsible for observing information and deciding what to do, scientists are still left with the critical task of explaining how that controller itself works. This leads to an infinite regress. As James vividly illustrates, "Explaining that the brain works by way of a central controller suggests that you haven’t figured out how the brain works, because you’ve just put a person inside your brain." This "person" or homunculus inside the brain would, by the same logic, require another "person" inside its brain to observe and decide, which would then need another, and so on, ad infinitum. "The problem is never solved," James concludes. "It’s just passed on." The Cartesian Theater thus represents a conceptual dead end, an explanatory loop that fails to provide a genuine mechanistic account of consciousness or decision-making.
Instead of invoking an internal decision maker that merely shifts the explanatory burden, James proposes that cognitive neuroscience should focus directly on the interacting sensory and motor systems that fundamentally generate behavior. This approach bypasses the homunculus problem by viewing behavior as a product of distributed, dynamic processes rather than a command from a central executive.
An Experimental Path Forward: Embracing Complexity and Interaction
If, as James argues, decision-making emerges from continuous and intricate interactions among the brain, the body, and the environment, then studying it effectively will necessitate a significant shift in experimental methods. Researchers will need paradigms capable of capturing this inherent complexity and dynamism.
James acknowledges that this new perspective creates both exciting opportunities and formidable methodological challenges. The prevailing experimental designs in cognitive neuroscience often isolate variables and focus on linear cause-and-effect relationships. To embrace James’s model, researchers would need to move beyond these strictly linear frameworks, designing experiments that examine processes occurring simultaneously, influencing one another, and dynamically changing as a person interacts with their surrounding world. This could involve real-time tracking of movement, perception, and neural activity in more naturalistic settings, rather than highly constrained laboratory tasks.
His own laboratory has already begun exploring this promising direction, drawing heavily on foundational ideas from embodied cognition and ecological psychology. Embodied cognition emphasizes the role of the body and its interactions with the environment in shaping cognitive processes, while ecological psychology focuses on how perception and action are directly coupled and unfold within a meaningful environment. These fields provide theoretical and methodological tools to investigate the rich, bidirectional relationships between an organism and its surroundings.
James believes that this integrated approach holds immense potential for cognitive neuroscience to finally uncover the true physical mechanisms that give rise to what we describe as decision-making. Moreover, he suggests that this framework could offer groundbreaking new ways to investigate a wide array of other cognitive and mental phenomena—such as memory, attention, and even consciousness—that have traditionally been treated as distinct, isolated processes residing solely within the brain. By reframing decision-making as an emergent property of dynamic sensorimotor loops rather than a central cognitive act, Professor James’s work opens a vital dialogue, pushing the field towards a more holistic and biologically plausible understanding of the human mind.

